Knots of conviction

The resolution of the issue of death sentence awarded to Sarabjit Singh after 15 years in jail in Pakistan may well be a test case in the ongoing peace process.  A report on the spies, prisoners and the peace process 

Syed Nazakat in New Delhi & Satinder Bains in Chandigarh

Often life imitates art. In the spectacularly successful movie Veer Zara, an Indian officer is put in a Pakistani jail for 40 years in a story of war, hate, revenge and love. Pakistan president Pervez Musharraf had made an off-the-cuff remark on the unfair nature of the movie when he visited India for the cricket series. Now the president has a chance to prove how fair the Pakistan government is, when he takes a decision whether or not to pardon an Indian convicted to death on alleged spying charges.

When on August 19 Pakistan's Supreme Court upheld a death sentence on Manjit Singh alias Sarabjit Singh after 15 years of prosecution for his alleged involvement as a RAW agent in the 1990 Lahore bomb blasts, it created a groundswell of emotion  in India.

A presidential pardon for Sarabjit Singh will be seen as a great goodwill measure in keeping with the momentum that the peace process has generated. If Musharraf washes his hands off the Supreme Court judgement, then the issue could snowball considering the emotive nature of the issue. No Indian spy or prisoner has been executed in Pakistan though five alleged spies have been sentenced to death. Going by precedent at least there are chances of Sarabjit Singh being pardoned but the issue has become yet another major landmark in the ongoing peace process.

Sarabjit Singh is the fifth Indian to be awarded a death sentence by a Pakistani court. The death sentence of the other four were commuted on various grounds giving hope that Sarabjit Singh too would be pardoned. Some 117 Indians have been convicted for various offences including spying in Pakistan. The case of Sarabjit Singh however continues to get curiouser by the day. The first is the case of his identity. His family members say that his name is Sarabjit Singh and not Manjit Singh as the Pakistani authorities refer to him. If at all Sarabjit Singh was carrying the fake identity of Manjit Singh, it again gives rise to the suspicion that he was indeed an Indian agent. But RAW and intelligence officials are clear that Manjit Singh was not their man. Since India has officially requested Pakistan to commute his sentence, it suggests that the government could be clean on the issue.

Pakistan official however say that Sarabjit Singh himself did not contest that identity during the long trial which finally lend to the death penalty. His family members' statements that he is not a spy cannot convince the Pakistani authorities, since family members are quite unlikely to know the job profile of a spy.

It has been traumatic time for Sarabjit's family in Bhikiwind near Amritsar. His youngest daughter obviously has no recollection of her father who strayed into Pakistan in 1990 when she was just a few days old. His eldest daughter Swapandeep Kaur who was just three years old then now says there is no way her father could have been a spy since he was not educated. She points out that in 1990, there was no fencing on the Indo-Pak border and farmers from both sides used to stray into neighbouring territory. 

"If they kill Sarabjit, we will also make five nooses and hang ourselves. The government of India and Pakistan will be responsible for our deaths," says Sarabjit's wife Sukhpreet Kaur. "My husband is completely innocent."

Dalbir Kaur, who along with the wife and family of Sarabjit Singh has threatened to commit suicide is now confident that her brother will be released. "Support to save the life of my brother has come from all quarters. Till a few days back I had never expected that the Indian Prime Minister and parliamentarians would come to Sarabjit's rescue," she told Sahara Time. The death sentence and the resultant uproar has also brought into focus the case of 923 civilian prisoners and 54 PoWs, which the Indian government claims are languishing in Pakistani jails. "But Pakistan has acknowledged the presence of only 182 civilian prisoners and does not acknowledge the presence of any other Indian PoW in the country," Minister of state for external affairs Rao Inderjit Singh told Rajya Sabha on August 4. This issue has been discussed over the years without much effect. The first substantial progress came when Pakistan released 800 Indian fishermen between January and March 2005.

The families and relatives of these Indian PoWs haven't yet given up their search for their loved ones who, they believe, are still dying a slow death in Pakistani jails. Their belief was reaffirmed after Rooplal Sahariya, an Indian spy who was released by Pakistan on April 2000, after spending over 26 years in cramped prison cells in Pakistan, surviving a stroke and a death sentence. He told reporters that he saw other Indian prisoners of war in detention in Sialkot, Multan, Sahiwal and Lahore. "There are around 50 such prisoners, called pagal [mad] Indians, most of whom have lost their mental balance due to years of physical torture. Even if their terms have ended, they cannot be sent home because they don't remember their addresses," he had said then.

Onkar Nath Budhwar, another suspected Indian spy from Ferozepur in Punjab who was arrested in Jajjasadu post on the border was also lucky to escape the gallows. In 1972, session judge Syed Mohammed Abbas Shah sentenced him to death. But he was finally released on December 9, 1974 on the orders of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, after he signed the Shimla agreement.

With the onset of the place process much progress has been made in identifying the prisoners and getting them released. Pakistan has granted consular access to Indian prisoners in January, February, June and July this year. Indian prisoners in Pakistan were allowed to write and receive letters from their families in India. According to the Pakistani media, about 611 Pakistani prisoners are languishing in Indian jails, including 457 who have reportedly completed their prison terms but awaiting release due to delay in Pakistan confirming their status.

During the foreign secretary- level talks held on Dec 27-28, 2004 at Islamabad, it was agreed that immediate notification of the arrested Indian/Pakistani nationals would be provided to the high commissions through the foreign ministries. It was also decided to provide consular access to all the civilian prisoners, including fishermen, held in each other's country within three months from the date of their arrest and repatriation would be immediate after the completion of sentence and nationality verification. 

(Sahara Time, 2007)

Interview of Mirwaiz Umar Farooq

'Within a year or two we will reach very close to the resolution of Kashmir problem' 

As the dialogue process between the Kashmiri separatists and New Delhi enters the crucial phase, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, 31, has emerged as the lead player for the All Parties Hurriyat Conference. The founder and present chairman of the Hurriyat, the religious head of Kashmiri Muslims led the five member delegation of a separatist conglomerate of Kashmir - All Parties Hurriyat Conference – to meet Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi last week. It was for the first time that Kashmiri separatist leaders had talks with the prime minister himself to end the 15-year-long uprising in Kashmir. Mirwaiz said the talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was a historic first step towards a solution to Kashmir and added that in his meeting with Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf in New York next week he will ask him to take steps to push the process forward. In an exclusive interview to Sahara Time correspondent Syed Nazakat in New Delhi, the Mirwaiz spoke about the marathon meeting, peace process and his vision of how to solve the Kashmir problem. Excerpts:  

Q. You had two rounds of talks with the previous NDA government and now this time you met the Prime Minister himself. Are you satisfied with the talks?

A. Yes, of course. Kashmir is a complex problem so when we talk of Kashmir we cannot address all the problems in one meeting. Everyone who was present there said that this process has to be carried on. The Prime Minister also said that a committee will be formed to follow up the outcome of the talks. And you have to understand that it was the highest level of talks wherein you are directly talking with the Prime Minister of the country. The talks cannot go to a higher level than this and if we don't succeed here this time then there is nothing else in sight.

Q. Have you asked anything specific from the Prime Minister during the talks?

A. We did not ask for anything specific. Our goal this time was to set the pace of the talk's process. We made it point to tell the PM that the Kashmir problem needed to be solved. And I don't remember he even once said that such and such a thing is not possible. We had free and frank discussions on subjects like violations of human rights, reduction of troops in the valley. Our point of view has been received well by the Government of India and that is what matters. However, he emphasised that a step-to-step approach is needed to find ab honourable and durable settlement of the Kashmir problem. Our main goal is on the need to consolidate the process of dialogue.  

Q. As the Prime Minister has emphasised the need to end the violence, do you think you are in a position to stop the violence in Kashmir?

A. We promised the PM that whatever we can do in this regard we will do.  I am also going to New York where I will meet President Musharraf on September 17. I will seek his support to move this process ahead. It is now a triangular process. I will tell him to further use his influence to help create an atmosphere inside Kashmir so that this process is not jeopardised  

Q. When will the next Hurriyat- New Delhi meeting take place?

A. The date has not yet been set up for the second round of talks. But once Dr Singh is back from New York we will meet for the second rounds of talks. That is what has been agreed on. Nobody wants to repeat the experience of our talks with the National Democratic Alliance government. We are meeting now after 17 months. A lot could have been achieved during this intervening period.  

Q. Are you concerned that the hardline faction of separatists accuses you of betraying the cause?

A. They are all our colleagues and we do have some differences with them.  But we can't keep the dialogue process hostage to anybody. Yes, it is very unfortunate that at a time when we needed to unite and to speak in one voice, we are divided and are speaking in different voices.  

Q. And still you are saying that the Hurriyat is in a strong position today?

A. Our visit to Pakistan has helped us to consolidate our position not only within the valley but also in Pakistan. We met Kashmir leaders in Muzafarabad and also had talks with Pakistan. Everyone agreed with our perception of dialogue and that is why I say we are now on a stronger wicket than as compared to 2004. I must add that the India-Pakistan dialogue is also on the right track and the confidence building measures have helped in moving forward.  

Q. But there were threats from the militant outfits also.

A. The mood today is pro-dialogue. When you look at the situation on the ground when we started holding talks in 2004 we could see there was little hesitancy from Pakistan to support this process and so many things were being said and printed in the media. The militants issued statements rejecting the process. Today apart from one organisation nobody is saying anything. The people are watching things closely and they wish that the peace process should move on.  

Q. How do you respond to critics who say that you have no mandate to speak on behalf of the people of J&K?

A. If we are nobody and have no mandate to speak on behalf of the people than why did the Prime Minister invite us for the dialogue.  

Q. Kashmiri Pandits are saying that they should also be involved in the talks. Your comment?

A. They are a part of Kashmir and we have already started our efforts to communicate with the Kashmiri Pandits. In fact, we have met a delegation of Kashmiri Pandits a month ago in Srinagar. And we are planning to go to Jammu to encourage Kashmiri Pandits to return to their homeland.  

Q. Is it feasible for New Delhi to talk only to the Kashmiris, leaving out Pakistan?

A. No two parties are in a position to resolve the problem on their own. This is because Pakistan has a part of Kashmir. If we really have to solve the Kashmir problem than we have to involve all the parties of the dispute – India, Pakistan and the people of Kashmir.  This could be a breakthrough  

Q. So you are still sticking to tripartite talks.

A. That is the only way to solve this (Kashmir) problem.  

Q. Then where is the open mind that you have been talking about?

A. We are talking about an open mind in the sense that we are not insisting that India, Pakistan and Kashmiris should sit at the negotiating table tomorrow itself. India and Pakistan are talking, we have had talks with Pakistan and now we are talking with India. And that is why I am repeatedly saying that for the first time the dialogue process aimed at a permanent solution to Kashmir is on the right track.  

Q. What is the most important thing that the Indian government should do now?

A. Everybody realises that if we have to move forward then all of us have to contribute whether it is India, Pakistan or the people of Kashmir. But India has done a lot to pave the way for the final and peaceful settlement of Kashmir issue. We have been promised by Dr Manmohan Singh that human rights violations will end and there will be withdrawal of troops from Kashmir. We have also been told that the release of political prisoners will be seen. The right of Kashmiris to self-determination cannot be limited to joining only India or Pakistan. We want an option in which we would be masters of our own destiny.  

Q. So what is the solution?

A. We have told the Prime Minister that when we meet next time we will put forward our proposal for the solution of the Kashmir problem.  

Q. What about the option of making the Line of Control (LoC) into an international border?

A. It's never going to be acceptable to Kashmiris because it excludes part of Kashmir. There is talk of making Kashmir a confederation, a "semi-nation" like Ireland, with India and Pakistan in joint control of defense and possibly also communications and foreign affairs. Then there is the idea of a buffer state in which Kashmir's border will be absolutely porous and controlled by India and Pakistan on their respective sides. Another option is the [1950] Dixon Plan, whereby the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley goes to Pakistan and the Hindu and Buddhist areas of the state to India. We don't necessarily agree with any of these options. But we need to sit down and talk.

Q. During your recent visit to Pakistan you talked about what you called United States of Kashmir. Your comment.

A. We desire India and Pakistan to give a free hand to the Kashmiri leadership to come up with new proposals. We want to move beyond the traditional line. I know Kashmir is a complex issue with so many complexities. But I am quite sure that if we keep the movement on, leave the rigid approach and try to see Kashmir as a human problem then the solution of the problem is not that far away.  

Q. How long do you think it will take to arrive at a political solution of Kashmir that you are striving for?

A. I can't specify the time frame, but we are confident of arriving at one. But again a lot depends upon the Indian government. And it was nice to know that Dr Singh understands the seriousness of the problem. He acknowledges that whereas the problem is essentially a political one, it has its human dimension and the sufferings of the people. I am quite sure that if we keep talking with seriousness and purpose within a year or two we will reach very close to the resolution of the Kashmir problem.  

(Sahara Time, 2006)

Interview of Abdul Qayyum Khan

              'There is no authority which can create an independent Kashmir' 

Sardar Muhammad Abdul Qayyum Khan, 80, four times president and prime minister of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir or which he emphasizes as Azad Kashmir was a part of the Pathan invasion in 1947. Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf handpicked him to chair the 22-member National Kashmir Committee, which spearheads Islamabad's efforts for a solution to the Kashmir trouble. The man who actively encouraged militancy across the border in J&K, provided a base for armed separatists in his autonomous state, the elderly, soft-spoken Kashmiri is seen as a moderate today. Last week, he was in New Delhi to participate in the 'heart-to-heart talks', organized by Indian Council of World Affairs. The conference was first scheduled to be held in Jammu but Sardar Qayyum Khan did not want to travel to Jammu on an Indian visa, which he said amounts to accepting Jammu and Kashmir as a part of India. In an exclusive interview to Sahara Time's correspondent Syed Nazakat, Khan spoke about the India Pakistan peace process, 1947 invasion, militant training camps in PoK and how to win peace in the valley. Excerpts…  

Q. India and Pakistan are engaged in peace talks for the last two years. How do you view the ongoing peace talks?

A. It is very unfortunate that the things we should have discussed 20 years back we are discussing today. Anyway it is always better late then never. I think the peace initiative between the two countries headed by Dr Manmohan Singh and General Pervez Musharraf is on the right track.  

Q.What steps do you think India and Pakistan can take to strengthen the peace process?

A. The two countries would have to strengthen and enhance the confidence building measures. We must move forward step by step. I am convinced that an intra-Kashmir dialogue should be allowed. Kashmiris from both sides should be allowed to sit down and discuss. They should be given the task to find out how the situation can be de-escalated.  

Q. If I am right, you were a part of the Pathan invasion in 1947 that split the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir into two parts?

A. Yes I was there in the middle of the 1947 fight. What motivated us to take up arms is that Maharaja Hari Singh started deploying his troops along the Pakistan border. I was an army man, I could very clearly see he was trying to seal off the border with Pakistan. At that time there was only one Kashmir. We decided to launch a political movement. But the Dogra army opened fire on the marchers. So, we started an armed retaliation. I organized the forces at that time. At that time we were fighting the Dogra army. There was no Indian army. Then, of course, the Indian army came in -- after the accession, although there was no accession instrument.  

Q. How do you respond to the view that Pakistan, through the Pathan invasion in 1947, authored the Kashmir trouble?

A. The Pakistan government had nothing to do with it, but the government of Pakistan could not resist it as the Pathans became violent.  

Q. There are reports that militant training camps still exist in PoK. So how do you view the peace process can move forward?

A. Look, you are once again falling into the old trap. If you lay down preconditions, then Pakistan will also stick to its old position, the U.N. resolution.  And tell me do you really think that the militant camps are needed anymore?  

Q. What do you mean?

A. I don't think there is any need to recruit and train new boys.

There are already many boys who have got arms training in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Muzaffarabad.  

Q. How many have gained arms training?

A. I am not sure about the exact number. But the number would not be less then 25,000 to 30,000. They can't be totally stopped. It is impossible.  

Q. Is the United Jihad Council, the umbrella organisation of 12 militant outfits operating in Jammu and Kashmir, under Musharraf's control?

A. It is not under strict control that way. But they can be dealt with. They are the people who are interested in the resolution of the problem.

Q. Do you agree with the view that it is the time for militants to put down the gun and pave the way for political dialogue?

A. They have laid down arms in the past and even declared truce. But what happened later? So you have to understand their position also. It is very difficult for them to stop without offering the people anything tangible after 16 years and over 80,000  lives. The violence should not impede the dialogue process. We have to learn to deal with the situation. Once a process is set in, most of the people with arms, they will automatically feel there is a process on.  

Q. So you would not advise them to shun arms now.

A. How can I do that? If I did that without offering anything to them, I would be responsible for the disaster that may happen later on. I can't hold myself responsible for it.  

Q. You have been the president and PM of PoK, what kind of support did you provide militants?

A. We provided them moral and political support. 

Q. And weapons…

A. Weapons are no problem. If you have money, you can buy weapons in India. Weapons are the most easily accessible things today. 

Q. How free is the government in PoK from Pakistan interference? It is widely believed that the government in Muzaffarabad is governed by Islamabad?

A. It is a common thing that if you have a neighbour who is incompetent, you may meddle in his affairs. But if you have a competent government, there will be no interference. In my case, there was no interference. Rather, I was interfering in their affairs. Unlike this side of Kashmir (J&K) we enjoy complete autonomy. We have a president, a prime minister and an assembly which performs the job of legislation. We have our own election commission which conducts elections in our part of Kashmir.  

Q. But despite what you claim is complete freedom, as compared to this side of Kashmir your side of Kashmir is underdeveloped?

A. (laughs) India should be happy about that.   

Q. There is a section of separatists, who think that independent Kashmir is the only solution to the Kashmir problem?

A. Independent Kashmir doesn't exist anywhere. You cannot create it. It doesn't suit India, Pakistan China and it even does not suit the Kashmiris themselves.  There is no authority, no organisation which can create an independent Kashmir.  

Q. So what according to you is the solution to Kashmir? How far away are we from it?

A. I have no solution in my mind except that India, Pakistan and the Kashmiris should sit down and open-heartedly discuss all options on the table for a long time and then find a way out. We have been moving along by accidents. An accident can join us; an accident can set us apart too. Right now I am not bothered about a solution. What can really make a change is setting in motion a process. Whatever comes out of it will be acceptable.  

Q. About the time frame…

A. To be honest, I have no idea how long it would take us to solve the problem.  

Q. Does the solution you envisage include Kashmiri Pandits?

A. Every Kashmiri, irrespective of caste and religion, is part of it. 

Q. Reports are there that Musharraf has invited CM Mufti Mohamed Sayeed, his daughter and PDP president, Mehbooba Mufti and National Conference president Omer Abdullah to PoK and Pakistan. Are you comfortable with the visit of these leaders you used to once call 'puppets of New Delhi'?

A. I have no problem if a Kashmiri travels to another Kashmir.

(Sahara Time, 2007)

Peace mission to Kashmir

As the PM returns from Kashmir the big question still remains: Will normalcy finally prevail? 

By Syed Nazakat in Srinagar

The sun rose over the Sher-e-Kashmir International Convention Centre (SKICC) like a white apparition. Inside the complex, around Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, sat 30 Kashmiri leaders to see how they could win peace in troubled Kashmir. Down and around the complex, there was nobody on the boulevard road save the alert soldiers. The whole Srinagar city had been taken over by soldiers. The only banner one spotted stood outside the entrance of SKICC read- "Committed to peace, progress and prosperity". 

Yet violence returned after the meet with four persons killed in  grenade attack.

The huge deployment of troops and the tense atmosphere of Srinagar city had made one wonder how different was today's Kashmir Peace mission to Kashmir from the early 1990s when militancy erupted in the valley. For one man who has seen Kashmir all through these years the simple question after the Prime Minister concluded his second round of talks with the Kashmiri mainstream leaders on May 25, was whether there was any hope at all of resolving the Kashmir issue?

"On the face of it the answer is simply no," says Wajahat Habibullah, a top bureaucrat and a man who worked behind the scenes to piece together the Kashmir tangle. "If we have to succeed in solving this problem we have to keep the balance between Islamabad, New Delhi and Kashmir," he said. It was for the first time that an Indian Prime Minister had held talks directly with Kashmiri leaders in Kashmir. The message from the PMO was clear : the PM is serious about progress in Kashmir. "I have conveyed to President Musharraf that we are sincerely committed to peace and development in this region. We are awaiting Pakistan's response on some concrete suggestions which we have made," Manmohan Singh said.
In reply to a question, Singh said that the Centre is ready to find ways and means to talk to militant groups if they shun violence and choose the democratic path to resolve the issues. He said that the scope of homecoming of those youth who have crossed the LoC and want to return could be discussed at an appropriate forum, keeping in view all security aspects.  The Prime Minister said though he was not an astrologer to predict the mindset of any body, he, however, hoped that the separatists would participate in any future Round Table Conference.

The big achievement of the second round table was that at the end of it five working groups were constituted to look into all issues affecting Jammu and Kashmir and it was hoped that these groups would work towards finding a common ground and forging a consensus on specific issues through a time-bound result-oriented approach. But the Prime Minister's round table has given an insight on how hard it is to win peace in Kashmir. The Hurriyat leaders and other separatists who met the Prime Minister and also shared a table with the mainstream political parties many times in the past refused to sit with who they call ' a bunch of political hypocrites'. The National Conference categorically stated that it was not going to meet the Prime Minister if he holds a separate meeting with the separatists. The BJP boycotted the round table. A political party of the Sikh community living in Kashmir asked the Prime Minister why they had not been invited to the round table.
Good homework was also lacking in the second round. Not only separatist leaders but even those who participated in the first round of talks boycotted it. Out of the 41 invitees only 30 turned up for the talks. "We don't know about the agenda of the meeting. We received the invitation letter just a few days before the round table," said Sajjad Lone, another prominent separatist leader who was invited by the Prime Minister. "How could we be a part of any process where we don't know who is invited and what they are going to talk about," Lone said.

Late on Thursday afternoon, Mirwaiz Umer Farooq, chairman of the Hurriyat Conference, an alliance of two dozen political separatist groups, told Sahara Time that they would not like to be a part of the "crowd". The Hurriyat considers that the crowd comprising political hypocrites and Ikhwanis (former militants), with no agenda can hardly produce a result in terms of the permanent settlement of the Kashmir problem. But he welcomed the Prime Minister's initiative to solve the Kashmir issue.

Two issues - autonomy and self-rule - have remerged out of the second round of the round table. National Conference president Omer Abdullah said that his party has put forward a greater autonomy proposal before the Prime Minister. "We are hopeful that this time our proposal will not be turned down," Omer said.
The big immediate challenge for the government will be to make sure that what the Prime Minister termed 'zero tolerance' should be implemented on the ground. "Without security, talk of a peace process is academic. If we can't stop people from being shot down, it is just words," said Pervez Imroz, lawyer and human rights activist.

Since its eruption in 1989, militancy has claimed at least 85,000 lives, mostly innocent people. Before summer there had been a long lull in the fighting. New Delhi even claimed that Kashmir was once again safe for tourism. But recently the killings of 35 people in the mountain villages of Doda and Udhampur on April 30, the attack on the Congress rally in Srinagar city in which 11 people were killed, the series of grenade blasts, the Fidayeen attack on a BSF vehicle and one after another a number of bomb blasts on the eve of the round table clearly show that there is no sign that insurgency is winding down in Kashmir.   The Prime Minister's visit just provides the militants an excuse to raise the ante. Despite all the security arrangements the militants still managed to lob five hand grenades in Srinagar.

According to the security agencies in Srinagar the situation is about to get worse. Over the past few years militancy has taken a decidedly dangerous turn, with young boys joining the fray. The call for Jihad is still rising in the streets of Srinagar and the far off villages of Kashmir, and is being answered. A top intelligence officer in Srinagar told Sahara Time that the newcomers have sophisticated arms, high-tech communication equipment and the motivation to die while killing their enemy. " If we kill four militants. Pakistan sends four more," says S Shirinivasan who heads the intelligence branch of the BSF in Kashmir. "And the problem is that the militants need just a few men to keep the pot boiling". An entire generation of Kashmiris has grown up with no experience or understanding of peace They have only the faintest memory of what it was like not to have soldiers on the streets and sandbags on roads.

"There is such a high percentage of young people who see their future as something totally black," says Manzor Ahamed. And it is very dangerous.

Seventeen years into the turbulence that turned Kashmir from a tourist paradise into a killing field, there seems only one way for peace to return: that the three sides in the conflict - the Kashmir leaders and the governments of India and Pakistan - should move forward. All are saying that they want to end differences in outlook to bring peace in Kashmir. But no one is quite clear how to find a common ground.  


(Sahara Time, 2007)

Inside the forbidden land

Is Doda turning out to be a 'liberated region' for militants in troubled J&K? 

Syed Nazakat / Doda  

The claustrophobic room atop the Kulhand village was lit by a single oil lamp. A thick piece of cardboard covered the windows. The room houses a family of three brothers at night for security reasons. Although Army and police personnel have been deployed in the village after terrorists killed 22 people a month ago, fear is still palpable.  There is nothing much to describe the village except its grueling poverty. "You are in a forbidden land. The militants used to come here and spend nights and then return to forest," says Thakur Singh, 52, one of the survivors of the Kulhand massacre. Thakur Singh wondered why his son along with other 22 villagers was butchered.

The Kulhand incident shows how dangerous the situation in Doda is. It is pointed out that militants have established their mobile bases atop the mountain peaks and are operating unhindered from there in Doda and in the rest of the state. Doda lies between Jammu and Kashmir regions. Since the unofficial policy followed so far is that no real harm can be done as long as militants kept off from populated areas, so no serious operation was ever carried out against militants who lodged themselves at the top of mountains. Following the Kulhand massacre, the security policy has been reviewed.

After Kulhand incident, the army and Special Operation Group (SOG) of the police have launched joint "search and destroy" operation in the mountains of Doda to flush out militants. The massive manhunt involved commandos and combat troops armed with mortars and rocket launchers in the forests of Doda and adjoining region of Udhampur.

Today, after trekking for three hours, while this correspondent was on his way to Kulhand the sound of rapid machine gun came from the nearby forest. Two militants, said a patrolling soldier of Rashtriya Rifles, have been trapped in the ravine. "You better run for safety". With each round of gunfire, a woman working in the nearby field flinched. "We are safe here, but …," she cried, pointing towards other villagers who are working in the nearby field.

Deputy Superintendent of Special Striking Reserve (SSR) force, Vinay Kumar, who is posted at Kulhand, the last post on this side of Peer Panjal range,  says militants have set up safe havens in certain locations by using the local people. The recovery of huge quantity of rice, edible oil, dry fruits and large number of blankets in a dhok (shack) at Desa pass confirms this. "The food was sufficient for at least 50 people. These bunkers are being made by Gujjar community for temporary stay. And terrorists use them as safe hideouts," says Vinay Kumar.

The SSR battalion has been recently raised and trained in mountain warfare. Late one night when Vinay Kumar and his men were returning from forests a Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) commander who is only known by his code name 'Doctor' called on his wireless set and warned him against coming again to his side of the forest. "If you come again here, we will blow you off by IED," Doctor told the police officer. The militants often tune into army and police frequencies to vent their anger.

Some eight kilometers from Chunmata pass there is Basangala pass where LeT militants have made a permanent base camp. The militants have also burnt down many summer camps of army in forests.   What army is now doing is sending regular patrolling and combat units to jungles. But the hilly terrain protects the militants.

With new anti-terrorist operations launched in Doda forests, the militant outfits are shifting their tactics to maintain their positions. According to the security agencies, LeT and Hizbul Mujahideen, who were earlier operating separately in the region, have now formed a joint front against the security forces. The chief commander of LeT Abu Talha and Hizbul Mujahideen commander Kuldeep Kumar (alias KK) have joined hands. Kuldeep is also a new grim face of today's Kashmir militancy. A Hindu by religion, Kuldeep like many other Hindu boys of Doda have joined the fray.

Nobody is quite clear how many militants are operating in Doda forests. Security agencies believe the militants, mostly outsiders, are operating in small groups of 10 to 16 men. The small groups work in such a way that one group doesn't know about the activities and operational plans of the other group. 

Given the conditions, the SPO plan has had its share of serious problems. Most of the SPOs deployed in Doda are assigned not to operational duties, but to Village Defence Committees (VDC). The VDCs are badly armed and untrained volunteer groups, set up to help vulnerable communities in remote mountainous regions to defend themselves. They are no match to militants who are comparatively well trained and equipped with sophisticated weapons.

One point is clear: the security forces are facing a kind of Kargil war like situation in Doda. So they have been demanding helicopters, which could be used for rapid deployment of forces to flush out militants from mountain peaks. They point out the deployment of helicopters in tactical battlefield area would ensure that militants are left with stark choices between armed engagement or death by starvation. So far no progress has taken place in this direction.

A senior military officer admitted that the conventional counterinsurgency measures were proving ineffective because, over the years, militants have also improvised their operational tactics. New Delhi must accept this reality and act accordingly, he advised.  

(Sahara Time, 2006)

Tryst with terror

Investigations indicate that the 7/11 terror attacks are part of Lashkar-e-Toiba's pan-India jihad 

Syed Nazakat & Shivnath Jha

It began like any other day in the heart of Mumbai. Tens of thousands jammed the stations. Commuters were waiting for trains. But, few of them had any idea of the scale of devastation waiting to happen inside the compartments. Moments before, terrorists had planted explosives inside the train. Within minutes the railway stations turned into scenes of carnage. A series of highly powerful explosives ripped open carriages, killing nearly 200 men, women and children and injuring over 700. It was the deadliest terror strike in the country's financial capital since the serial blasts of 1993 and involved a high degree of synchronisation, coordination, as the seven bombs went off within 11 minutes.

Yet, rather ominous signals of terror activities were already protruding from distant Srinagar where five grenades rocked the whole valley earlier in the day. The highly coordinated way in which grenade attacks were carried and the target of the attacks- innocent people and tourists – had left everybody shaken. Yet, no one visualised of the almost simultaneous terror strikes in Mumbai.

The way in which the Mumbai blasts were carried out and the arrest of a Lashkar-e-Toiba man in Srinagar and another LeT recruit in Delhi has led the security agencies to prima facie suspect LeT behind the blasts.  Lashkar does have people in both the cities and has logistics to carry out such planned attacks. The group has also the blessing of al-Qaeda and has developed contacts with the local groups in various parts of India, including Mumbai where banned Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) men are working as foot soldiers for LeT.  According to home ministry sources SIMI may have executed the blasts with the help of Lashkar. In fact, immediately after the Mumbai bombing, the Anti-Terrorists Squad (ATS) and Mumbai police had launched a massive manhunt to nab SIMI activists.

Yet, the prized catch of the day was made in Kashmir that day when a suspected LeT militant Muhammad Afzal Rather of Sumbal in Varmul district was chased and arrested by people and later handed over to police soon after he lobbed a grenade on a vehicle in Lal Chowk area of the city. It was perhaps for the first time that a militant was nabbed by people and that too on the spot, red handed. A day after Afzal's arrest, Kashmir police released photograph of one Mudasir alias Raju, a suspected LeT recruit who they claim is the mastermind of last week's serial grenade blasts in Srinagar and might provide clue about the Mumbai bombing too.

That LeT seems crucial for all investigations on the Mumbai and Srinagar blasts because Lashkar's professed ideology goes beyond merely challenging India's sovereignty over the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The Lashkar's 'agenda', as outlined in its pamphlet titled Why are we waging jihad includes the restoration of Islamic rule over all parts of India. LeT has long ago established its network and sleeping cells in various states of India to accomplish its pan-India jihad. In Mumbai it has forged ties with proscribed Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Many arrested activists of SIMI in Mumbai are reported to have confessed during interrogation their links with Lashkar.  SIMI has its own network and has deep roots in many districts of Maharashtra. Besides, their nexus with LeT had more or less been established when, as informed sources point out, just a month back the Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) had busted a couple of sleeper cells and arrested 13 men from Malegaon and Aurangabad in Maharashtra with RDX and guns.
The LeT has also forged links with Bangladesh based groups - Harkat-ul-Jihadi Islami (HuJI) and Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) - to expand its terror network in eastern and central India. It was this network that carried out the terrorist attack on the Sankat Mochan temple in Varanasi on March 7 this year.

Yet, while all evidence lead to the suspicion of  Lashkar's involvement, what confounds experts is the denial of its role in the Kashmir and Mumbai blasts by the LeT. Immediately after the Kashmir grenade attacks and Mumbai serial bombing, a man who identified himself as Dr Abdullah Ghaznavi, a LeT spokesperson, called up local newspapers in Srinagar and denied LeT involvement in Kashmir and Mumbai bombings. "These are inhuman and barbaric acts. Islam does not permit killing of innocent people. We have launched jihad against the Indian security forces in Jammu and Kashmir. We do not believe in killing innocent civilians belonging to any part of the world," Abdullah Ghaznavi told a local news agency.

Such a denial, if correct, means a big worry for the security agencies and counter terrorism officials. This implies that if those responsible for the outrage in Mumbai were not LeT foot soldiers then other smaller terror organisations too have learnt to mount such large scale terror attacks at will. Equally troublesome, however, is the possibility that 11/7 was a LeT-related attack; that would just confirm LeT establishing its network in many cities of the country. "This is an ominous signal," say home ministry sources.

Informed sources say the Mumbai serial blasts must have involved more than 25 people who might have participated knowingly or even unknowingly. "It is very likely that the masterminds are not in India. The actual perpetrators may not be more than four or five but these guys must have got help from many people. The logistic support for these blasts must have been quite big. Motor vehicles, local agents, people who provided cover to terrorists and people who planted the devices must have been involved," an intelligence source said.

This meant meticulous planning for months together. In fact, to plant seven bombs in a targeted operation required involvement of several persons. "It would have been quite a big plot and months of planning," said senior home ministry officer. A crucial question thus is about the intelligence failure. Why couldn't intelligence agencies  gather information on such big a plot beforehand?

Security experts have noted an inventive variation in the Mumbai bombings. Rather than employing a large truck bomb, against which some defensive techniques work, the attackers used time bombs. It was an effective way to commit mass murder from a distance. The terrorists achieved the effect of a large-scale attack with a hand-carried weapon that easily avoids detection.

But why couldn't the intelligence agencies unfold such devastating plots? "They (The security agencies) must not wait to pick the terrorist out of the crowd at railway station or bus stop or in crowded market minutes before he sets the timer," security analyst Brahma Chellaney said. He added:"We have to act. India must give a counter message. We must prove that we have the capacity to hound them wherever they are. Terrorists must get the message that the threshold level of patience of Indians is not infinite. If we don't do something now then the enemies of India will keep surprising us."

The Mumbai bombing was clearly meant to have the widest possible impact. Mumbai is the commercial capital of the country and attack on it meant a direct assault on the country's economy.  As the perpetrators chose railway rail network knowing it was the lifeline of the city - it was designed to bring the city to a halt. It may also have wanted to provoke communal riots. or even attempted to undermine the peace process between India and Pakistan. Already the serial bombing has fuelled friction between New Delhi and Islamabad with India strongly criticising a statement by the Pakistan foreign minister Khurshid Mahmood Kasuri where he had linked Mumbai blast with the Indo-Pak peace talks, only to retract his statement later.

Yet, the most crucial question meriting an answer is : why only first class compartments of the local trains targeted? Was it a cold message to the corporate India of the things to come?

For security officials there will be many sleepless nights ahead. In Mumbai, with overa million rail commuters daily, security has become a big challenge. Although city officials have stepped up police patrols and introduced closed-circuit televisions in stations soon after the serial blasts, they believe they cannot frisk rail commuters in the way air travelers are screened. Security analysts call the calculations inherent in the Mumbai attacks an "offense preference equation." Defense against such attacks is so disproportionately difficult that even setting up costly protection devices does not assure success. The attacker has the advantage. In such circumstances, security officials have no option but to act decisively.  

(Sahara Time, 2006)

Living on the edge

The voices of peace have become a chorus but the fear of repeated border tension between India and Pakistan hovers in Kargil even seven years after the war 

Syed Nazakat / Kargil 

People in Kargil are poised between hope and fear. Even seven years after the war, the survivors are still apprehensive of another conflict. Though time is slowly healing the wounds in the minds of the people, the very thought of tension between India and Pakistan keeps residents of war-ravaged Kargil fidgeting.

"We know what a war means," says Mohamad Yousuf, a resident of Kargil. During the Kargil war, Yousuf along with his ailing wife and three children fled his house in the night for a safer place. "I still remember the fateful night. We were trapped inside our house and Pakistan artillery shelling was just destroying everything in the village," he said.

"When I look behind and think of the war and the devastation it left behind, I think I am reborn," says Mohamad Yousuf.

The story of the Kargil war did not end with the capture of Tiger Hill. The war still lingers in the memory of the people who actually bore the brunt of it. Not far away from Mohamed Yousuf's house three small kids are playing "hide and seek". Mahapara, 7, is hiding herself behind the door and her brother Mohamad Tariq, 16, is searching for her. Their little sister Atiqa, just 4, is sitting at one corner of the underground bunker which during the Kargil war was their home and only protector.

"Whenever we heard gunfire we were rushing towards our underground bunker. We used to remain there for days without food and water," says Mohamed Tariq. He was just eight-years-old at the time, today he says I still get nightmares about the war. "It is so difficult to forget what we saw".

The government had promised to rehabilitate the people, but even after seven years the people still await the promised help. "The government is not doing anything for Kargil. The area is the most poor and backward region of the state," says Gulam Nabi, an activist from Kargil.

The neglect by the government was visible more on the roads. As we drove from Kargil to Dras, the road was still in a poor condition. The road is so narrow that only one vehicle can pass at a time. This road, which was one of the main targets of the Pakistani intruders during the 1999 war, is one of the only two highways connecting Ladakh with the rest of India. But despite its strategic importance the condition of the road is simply pathetic.

The border town of Kargil was totally destroyed during the war and residents were shifted to safer places. Though the houses have been rebuilt now, people say there was little or no assistance from the government. "The government had promised us complete assistance in rebuilding the infrastructure of the area but we had to build it on our own without any help from the government," says Mohamad Akbar, an elderly farmer.
Standing in a cramped restaurant in Kargil, one can have a look at the whole Kargil town which is abuzz with life. Down the road the children are playing cricket in the nearby street, breaking the calm of the mountains. The shopkeepers are calling the potential customers. At the nearby shop, a Qur'anic tape was playing, low and rhythmic.

We sat on a white wooden bench at a teashop. There were half a dozen men sipping tea from glasses and flicking their prayer beads as an army vehicle drove quickly past the shop. A few yards away from the teashop, Hyder Ali, a greengrocer is busy in his work. He says that after the Kargil war his business has grown manifold. "Alhamdulialah (thank God), I am doing very well," he says. "I just pray to God that we never see war again".

Moreover, one can see unexploded bombs and shells scattered in and around the mountains and ravines, posing a danger to human and animal lives. Last week, five people including three children got seriously injured when an unexploded motor shell blew up in Dras though the army has warned people from picking up explosives from the area.

The mountain range, overlooking Hyder Ali's shop, was the first battlefield of Indian and Pakistani soldiers during the war. The Indian army was engaged in bloody fighting in the rocky and glacial terrain stretching from Zoji-La Pass to the Siachen Glacier to evict the Pakistani aggressors'. Today all along the highway and the high Himalayas troops are deployed, as there is no other option.
"You have to be on guard, always vigilant and ready to foil the designs of the enemy," Lt-Gen J K Mohanty, general officer commanding of the Ladakh-based 14 Corps told soldiers in Kargil on Vijay Diwas. "The
Pakistani plan in 1999, he said, was to intrude and cut off the link between Kashmir and Ladakh. But you (soldiers) foiled their (Pakistan's) evil designs. You have to be always alert, ready and in high spirits to save the country from any aggression," he added. 

The soldiers believe that the shrine of a Pir  (Sufi mystic) on top of a hill close to Tiger Hill blesses and protects them. Though no one knows who the Pir was, or who built the shrine one serving soldier told Sahara Time that they have immense faith in the shrine. The Muslim soldiers of the Grenadiers Regiment built the grave of the Pir, a tin hut painted in military green, after the Kargil war.

For the people living there, the end of war does not mean the beginning of peace. There is constant uncertainty about India-Pakistan relations which will remain until India and Pakistan learn to live in peace.  

(Sahara Time, 2006)

World under Siege

As terrorism acquires global hi-tech dimensions, nations struggle to cope with this real threat 

Syed Nazakat / New Delhi

Five years after 9/11, security agencies worldwide have learned a great deal about how to fight terrorism. But the problem remains that the terrorist outfits too have learned a lot in this new age of terror. It is an open war where both the sides are learning from their mistakes and are checking and counter-checking each other. But one thing is quite clear that post 9/11 terrorism has acquired a deadlier dimension and has become far more sophisticated with new techniques, targets and technology. The terrorists have learnt about the apt use of the internet as an easy communication tool; the laptops to coordinate and draw plans, the mobile phones to trigger bombs, the fidayeen attacks to kill enemies while dying and to use liquid fluids to spread terror in the air. In short the terror Inc has turned hi-tech to execute their deadly plots. This is a new age of terror the world is living with today.

Worse, terrorism is spreading to new places and the terrorist outfits are learning how to handle sophisticated weapons, make bombs and just as important, not fear the enemy. In India, Kashmir continues to be on fire. And the neighbouring Pakistan and Bangladesh are not only becoming a recruiting ground but also a training base for future Jehadis.

Importantly, terrorists worldwide have also learnt how and where to hit to cause maximum damage. Sample this: just two months after 9/11, the terrorists carried out deadly attack on the Indian parliament. After investigations, it became clear that the plot behind the parliament attack was plotted months back and the terrorists had extensively used laptops, mobile phones and had visited the parliament area to facilitate their attack.

It was just the beginning of new terror tactics where terrorist outfits wanted to know everything about their targets to hit their enemies. The serial bombings in Delhi, Varanasi, and more recently in Mumbai gives an indepth insight into how terrorists are plotting and planning their attacks. And when the army fenced the 725 long Line of Control in Kashmir, they thought it will end infiltration from across the border but little did they know that militants would learn how to cut and infiltrate into this side of border. The suicide attacks and foiled terror plot in London has also confirmed the worse fears of security agencies that the terrorists can go to any level to target their enemy.

The abortive London bombing plot was, in a sense, a victory for the West in its battle against terrorism. But a peep into the recent terror attacks shows how the terrorists can turn old plots into new one. The terrorists learn from the experiments and mistakes of their predecessors. When Jaish-e-Mohammed failed to accomplish its mission in J&K assembly attack, they carried similar suicide attack on Indian parliament, which stalled the India-Pakistan peace process. 

So where do we stand after five years of 9/11?

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh candidly accepted the grim reality when he told the chief ministers at a meeting on internal security last week in New Delhi that the country is facing a real terror threat. He shared with the chief ministers the feedback provided by the intelligence agencies that terrorism is spreading to the new areas and the government has to fight terrorism on all its fronts.

"Intelligence agencies warn of a further intensification of violent activities with the possibility of more fidayeen attacks, use of suicide bombers, attacks on economic and religious targets, targeting of vital installations, including nuclear establishments and army camps," he told the chief ministers while elaborating that the reports also suggest that terrorist modules and sleeper cells exist in some of our urban areas, all of which highlight the seriousness of the threat.

India has already sought help from other countries to fight terrorism. Israel is already supplying military and surveillance equipment to Indian army to fight insurgency in Kashmir. And now, India is seeking tactical help from the United States to tackle the growing menace of terrorism. Right now, the Indian Army is having its largest exercise with US forces to train Indian soldiers for counter-insurgency operations in urban areas at a military base in Hawaii. A 140-strong Indian contingent left New Delhi a fortnight before to participate with troops from the 25th Infantry division of the US Pacific Command. This is the second training exercise of its type this year, said officials of the US embassy.

In Kashmir the government has raised special counter insurgency force, Rashtriya Riffles and more recently the Territorial Army which consists of local youth to fight insurgency. The strategy is that the local guys aware of the language and terrain can play a vital role in defeating militant outfits. But according to the home ministry details the graph of violence is not abating and more and more local guys are joining the militants.

A senior army officer in Kashmir told Sahara Time that the biggest problem the security forces and agencies are facing today is that there is no effective communication between various security agencies and intelligence agencies. "The terrorist outfits have effective communications and networking than security agencies," he lamented.

It is because of this high level of communication and networking that terrorists have today embedded themselves in local society. According to the security agencies the Pakistan based pan-India terrorist outfit LeT, which has the blessings of Al-Qaida, has succeeded in forming their sleeping cells in many states of India. The clues came thick and fast immediately after the recent serial bombing in Delhi and Mumbai. The investigating agencies believe that carrying such deadly attacks would not be possible without locals' active assistance. It is unclear if terrorist outfits like LeT's central command in India, a hierarchical command structure, still exerts authority, but it may not matter: with the Internet and fanatical inspiration, LeT can morph and spread to new areas.

The recent London terror plot has also shown that terrorists have changed their tactics. As a senior intelligence officer said, "You don't need a nuke to pull off a 9/11 type horror show. All you need is a few pounds of explosives in tooth-paste tubes!"

The safety measures introduced at major airports in the wake of abortive airline bombings in London must have left many wondering: Have terrorists finally pushed us into a state of paranoia?

The concern is not without basis when you have operations at a busy airport ground to a halt because passengers have to be screened for - of all things - baby-milk, bottled water, nail-polish and lipstick! The truth of the matter, however, is that today five years after the 9/11 terrorists have become deadlier than ever before.  

Knots of Conviction

Even as the Valley rises in protest, can Afzal Guru escape the hangman's noose? 
Syed Nazakat / New Delhi  

Inside Rashtrapati Bhavan President APJ Abdul Kalam is sitting with Mohammed Afzal Guru's mother Ayesha Begum, wife Tabassum and seven-year old son Ghalib. They are appealing clemency for Afzal who has been sentenced to death in the Parliament House attack case. Along the corridor, a few men are busy grilling an activist for asking mercy for a 'terrorist' who attacked Indian parliament. Family members of the security guards killed in the attack also land at Rashtrapati Bhavan in the meanwhile with a memorandum urging President Kalam not to show any mercy to Afzal. Downstairs the scribes are debating the hot question: Will Afzal be hanged or will he get clemency?

That's how it was at the President's House last Thursday when Afzal's family came down from their village in Sopore to Delhi to ask for clemency for Afzal. Afzal's death penalty has taken a perilous turn with the daily massive protest demonstrations in Kashmir against  Afzal's hanging and a wide range of politicians, NGOs and civil societies pleading that Afzal should not be hanged. The political parties in the state, barring the main Opposition party the BJP alongwith the Shiv Sena, and the separatist groups there have warned that hanging Afzal could create further unrest in Kashmir.

Acting on the mercy plea filed on behalf of Afzal Guru, who is to be hanged on October 20 for his role in the December 2001 attack, President Kalam, within hours of receiving the petition, forwarded it to the Union home ministry for its comments. The filing of the mercy plea with the President also puts an automatic stay on the execution of the death warrant. The home ministry has taken up the issue with the Delhi Government. On Thursday the home department of Delhi government went through the concerned file and prepared a draft, an official in Delhi government said. "Principal Secretary (Home) O P Kelkar will discuss the matter with the chief secretary R Narayanswamy and then a fresh draft is expected to be prepared by the home department on October 6 that will be sent to the MHA," added the official.

If sources in the MHA are to be believed Afzal Guru's fate would be decided after the Muslim festival- Eid.   "The date of hanging is coinciding with Muslim festival" (Jumatul Wida- the last Friday of Holy month of Ramzan), said a senior officer of MHA. According to legal experts until the petition is disposed of, Guru will not be hanged.  The President on receiving the mercy plea has sought the opinion of the Union Cabinet. Even if the Cabinet rejects the mercy plea, the President can ask it to reconsider. If the Cabinet still sticks to its stand and returns it, he will be bound by its advice.

His family members told Sahara Time they have no clue when exactly Afzal came in touch with Jaish-e-Mohammed. But by early 1999 he had been introduced to two men who would have a dramatic impact on his fate: Tariq, who investigation agencies are saying was the main link between Jaish-e-Moahmmed's chief commander in Kashmir Gazi Baba, and Mohammad who was the ring leader of the parliament House attack. In his confession, Afzal accepts that he met them.

By his own confession, he was involved in the conspiracy to attack which dangerously brought India and Pakistan close to war. But the same confessional statement also raises many crucial questions – Who was Tariq and where is he today? Where did Afzal meet him? Why was Afzal released by STF after he was arrested for having links with Jaish?  How Afzal developed links with Jaish when he was under constant vigil of the STF and other security agencies?  Has Afzal been made scapegoat while the big fishes went scot-free? 

"We are not debating whether he is guilty or innocent. Our point is that he didn't get an opportunity to defend himself. He didn't get a lawyer of his choice. He was simply denied a fair trial," says A G Noorani, noted lawyer. "How can you hang somebody without giving him a chance to defend himself?" he asked.

But the clemency requests have set off a major controversy. "If Parliament House attack is not fit for hanging, what crime would warrant it? And, what about the security personnel killed in that attack?" BJP spokesman Prakash Javadekar asked. " The nation stands shocked to see a chief minister making such a plea for a terrorist. Those who are asking for his pardon should actually apologise to the nation for insulting security personnel who laid down their lives fighting those terrorists," he added.

The security agencies are in no doubt that he played an important role in the Parliament attack. The Supreme Court has upheld the death penalty to him.  But at the heart of Afzal's conviction is a big hitch. When JKLF leader Maqbool Bhat was hanged in 1984, he became a hero in Kashmir overnight. His hanging eventually galvanized the political unrest in Kashmir, inspired people to join JKLF, the militant outfit founded by him.
"It would be a big mistake to make him another martyr and hero. Let him die a silent and more painful death,"said a senior Congress leader. He pointed out that even the United States didn't give death penalty to Al-Qaida recruit Zacaria Moussaoui, 34, who was accused in the WTC attack that killed almost 3,000 innocent people fearing that his death will become inspiration for  future recruits of Al-Qaeda."

So will Afzal be hanged or not ? Wait till the President's verdict.